Open Society Needs Defending
Open societies are in crisis, and various forms of closed societies – from fascist dictatorships to mafia states – are on the rise. Because elected leaders failed to meet voters’ legitimate expectations and aspirations, electorates have become disenchanted with the prevailing versions of democracy and capitalism.
摘要 开放社会处于危机之中，各种形式的封闭社会，从法西斯独裁到流氓国家，正在纷纷崛起。由于当选的领袖未能满足选民的合理期待和愿望，选民们已经不再对当代的民主制度和资本主义抱有幻想。NEW YORK – Well before Donald Trump was elected President of the United States, I sent a holiday greeting to my friends that read: “These times are not business as usual. Wishing you the best in a troubled world.” Now I feel the need to share this message with the rest of the world. But before I do, I must tell you who I am and what I stand for.
纽约----早在唐纳德·特朗普当选美国总统之前，我向我的朋友们致以假日的问候：「这不是寻常时期，愿你在乱世里尽如人意。」现在，我觉得有必要和世界其他人分享这一信息。但在这么做之前，我必须告诉你们我的身份和立场。
I am an 86-year-old Hungarian Jew who became a US citizen after the end of World War II. I learned at an early age how important it is what kind of political regime prevails. The formative experience of my life was the occupation of Hungary by Hitler’s Germany in 1944. I probably would have perished had my father not understood the gravity of the situation. He arranged false identities for his family and for many other Jews; with his help, most survived.
我是匈牙利裔犹太人，今年86岁。二战结束后，我成为美国公民。很早我就领教了哪种政治体制胜出的重要性。1944年，希特勒德国占领匈牙利，这段经历对我的人生产生了巨大影响。若非家父深知局势的严重性，我大概早已灰飞烟灭了。他为自己的家人和其他许多犹太人伪造了身份；在他的帮助下，大部分人活了下来。
I am an 86-year-old Hungarian Jew who became a US citizen after the end of World War II. I learned at an early age how important it is what kind of political regime prevails. The formative experience of my life was the occupation of Hungary by Hitler’s Germany in 1944. I probably would have perished had my father not understood the gravity of the situation. He arranged false identities for his family and for many other Jews; with his help, most survived.
我是匈牙利裔犹太人，今年86岁。二战结束后，我成为美国公民。很早我就领教了哪种政治体制胜出的重要性。1944年，希特勒德国占领匈牙利，这段经历对我的人生产生了巨大影响。若非家父深知局势的严重性，我大概早已灰飞烟灭了。他为自己的家人和其他许多犹太人伪造了身份；在他的帮助下，大部分人活了下来。
In 1947, I escaped from Hungary, by then under Communist rule, to England. As a student at the London School of Economics, I came under the influence of the philosopher Karl Popper, and I developed my own philosophy, built on the twin pillars of fallibility and reflexivity. I distinguished between two kinds of political regimes: those in which people elected their leaders, who were then supposed to look after the interests of the electorate, and others where the rulers sought to manipulate their subjects to serve the rulers’ interests. Under Popper’s influence, I called the first kind of society open, the second, closed.
1947年，我逃离了共产党统治的匈牙利，来到英国。作为一名伦敦经济学院学生，我受到哲学家卡尔·波普尔（Karl Popper）的影响，并以可错性和反身性为基础发展出我自己的哲学。我区分两种政治制度：一种是人民选举领袖，领袖应该保护选民的利益；另一种是统治者操纵臣民以满足统治者的利益。在波普尔的影响下，我把第一种社会称为开放社会，第二种称为封闭社会。
The classification is too simplistic. There are many degrees and variations throughout history, from well-functioning models to failed states, and many different levels of government in any particular situation. Even so, I find the distinction between the two regime types useful. I became an active promoter of the former and opponent of the latter.
这一分类过於简单。纵观历史，各种不同的程度和变体随处可见，既有运转良好的模式，也有失败国家，还有各种处於不同状态的不同水平的政府。尽管如此，我仍然觉得区分这两种体制类型非常有用。我成为第一种制度的积极推动者和第二种制度的反对者。
I find the current moment in history very painful. Open societies are in crisis, and various forms of closed societies – from fascist dictatorships to mafia states – are on the rise. How could this happen? The only explanation I can find is that elected leaders failed to meet voters’ legitimate expectations and aspirations and that this failure led electorates to become disenchanted with the prevailing versions of democracy and capitalism. Quite simply, many people felt that the elites had stolen their democracy.
我认为，当下是一个非常痛苦的历史时刻。开放社会处於危机之中，各种形式的封闭社会——从法西斯独裁到流氓国家——纷纷崛起。这是如何发生的？我能找到的唯一解释是民选领袖没有满足选民的合理期望和愿望，而这就导致选民不再对流行的民主和资本主义抱有幻想。很简单，许多人觉得精英偷走了他们的民主。
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US emerged as the sole remaining superpower, equally committed to the principles of democracy and free markets. The major development since then has been the globalization of financial markets, spearheaded by advocates who argued that globalization increases total wealth. After all, if the winners compensated the losers, they would still have something left over.
苏联解体后，美国成为仅有的超级大国，同等地致力於民主和自由市场原则。此后的重大发展趋势是金融市场全球化，其先锋宣扬全球化增加了全球财富。毕竟，即使赢家补偿输家，赢家仍然获得不少东西。
The argument was misleading, because it ignored the fact that the winners seldom, if ever, compensate the losers. But the potential winners spent enough money promoting the argument that it prevailed. It was a victory for believers in untrammeled free enterprise, or “market fundamentalists,” as I call them. Because financial capital is an indispensable ingredient of economic development, and few countries in the developing world could generate enough capital on their own, globalization spread like wildfire. Financial capital could move around freely and avoid taxation and regulation.
Globalization has had far-reaching economic and political consequences. It has brought about some economic convergence between poor and rich countries; but it increased inequality within both poor and rich countries. In the developed world, the benefits accrued mainly to large owners of financial capital, who constitute less than 1% of the population. The lack of redistributive policies is the main source of the dissatisfaction that democracy’s opponents have exploited. But there were other contributing factors as well, particularly in Europe.
全球化产生了深远的经济和政治后果。它给穷国和富国带来了一定程度的趋同，这是利；但它也加剧了穷国和富国内部的不平等，这是弊。在发达国家，利主要归于仅占不到1%的人口的大金融资本所有者。缺少再分配政策是民众不满的主要来源，而这种不满被民主的反对者所利用。但还有其他因素，特別是在欧洲。
I was an avid supporter of the European Union from its inception. I regarded it as the embodiment of the idea of an open society: an association of democratic states willing to sacrifice part of their sovereignty for the common good. It started out at as a bold experiment in what Popper called “piecemeal social engineering.” The leaders set an attainable objective and a fixed timeline and mobilized the political will needed to meet it, knowing full well that each step would necessitate a further step forward. That is how the European Coal and Steel Community developed into the EU.
自欧盟成立以来，我就是其铁杆支持者。我认为它是开放社会思想的具体化：一个由愿意为了共同利益牺牲部分主权的民主国家组成的联盟。一开始，它是一项大胆的实验，用波普尔的话说，这是「渐进式社会工程」。欧盟领导人制定了一个可实现的目标和一个确定的时间点，并动员实现目标所需要的政治意愿，他们十分清楚，每一步都是后续步骤的必要条件。就这样，欧洲钢煤共同体发展成欧盟。
But then something went woefully wrong. After the Crash of 2008, a voluntary association of equals was transformed into a relationship between creditors and debtors, where the debtors had difficulties in meeting their obligations and the creditors set the conditions the debtors had to obey. That relationship has been neither voluntary nor equal.
然后，有些东西发生了严重问题。2008年大崩盘后，平等国家的自愿联盟演变为一种债权人-债务人关系，债务国难以履行义务，而债权国给债务国制定了必须遵守的条件。这一关系既非自愿，也不平等。
Germany emerged as the hegemonic power in Europe, but it failed to live up to the obligations that successful hegemons must fulfill, namely looking beyond their narrow self-interest to the interests of the people who depend on them. Compare the behavior of the US after WWII with Germany’s behavior after the Crash of 2008: the US launched the Marshall Plan, which led to the development of the EU; Germany imposed an austerity program that served its narrow self-interest.
Before its reunification, Germany was the main force driving European integration: it was always willing to contribute a little bit extra to accommodate those putting up resistance. Remember Germany’s contribution to meeting Margaret Thatcher’s demands regarding the EU budget?
重新统一前，德国是推动欧洲一体化的主要力量：它永远愿意多拿出一些东西来说服抵制力量。还记得德国为了满足撒切尔夫人关于欧盟预算的要求而做出的牺牲吗？
But reuniting Germany on a 1:1 basis turned out to be very expensive. When Lehman Brothers collapsed, Germany did not feel rich enough to take on any additional obligations. When European finance ministers declared that no other systemically important financial institution would be allowed to fail, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, correctly reading the wishes of her electorate, declared that each member state should look after its own institutions. That was the start of a process of disintegration.
但在1：1的基础上统一德国代价高昂。雷曼兄弟（Lehman Brothers）倒闭时，德国认为自己没有富裕到能承担更多义务。当欧洲财政部长们宣布决不能允许其他具系统重要性的金融机构再倒闭时，德国首相默克尔正确地领会了选民的意思，宣布各成员国应该照顾好各自的机构。这就是分裂过程的开端。
After the Crash of 2008, the EU and the eurozone became increasingly dysfunctional. Prevailing conditions became far removed from those prescribed by the Maastricht Treaty, but treaty change became progressively more difficult, and eventually impossible, because it couldn’t be ratified. The eurozone became the victim of antiquated laws; much-needed reforms could be enacted only by finding loopholes in them. That is how institutions became increasingly complicated, and electorates became alienated.
2008年大崩盘后，欧盟和欧元区越来越难以保证正常运转。现实情况与马斯特里赫特条约所规定的情况渐行渐远，但条约修订的可能性越来越小，最终完全消失，因为不可能得到批准。欧元区成为过时的法律的牺牲品。急需的改革只有通过寻找条约漏洞才能实施。局面因此变得越来越复杂，选民也开始离心离德。
The rise of anti-EU movements further impeded the functioning of institutions. And these forces of disintegration received a powerful boost in 2016, first from Brexit, then from the election of Trump in the US, and on December 4 from Italian voters’ rejection, by a wide margin, of constitutional reforms.
反欧盟运动的崛起进一步影响到欧洲机构的运转。2016年，分裂取得重大利好，首先是英国退欧，然后是特朗普当选美国总统，以及12月4日义大利选民以明显优势拒绝宪政改革。
Democracy is now in crisis. Even the US, the world’s leading democracy, elected a con artist and would-be dictator as its president. Although Trump has toned down his rhetoric since he was elected, he has changed neither his behavior nor his advisers. His cabinet comprises incompetent extremists and retired generals.
现在，民主处於危机之中。甚至世界民主领袖美国也选择了一位行为艺术家和潜在独裁者来当总统。尽管特朗普在当选后口风有所软化，但其行为和顾问团都没有发生变化。他的内阁成员都是些不胜任的极端分子和退休将军。
But the US will be preoccupied with internal struggles in the near future, and targeted minorities will suffer. The US will be unable to protect and promote democracy in the rest of the world. On the contrary, Trump will have greater affinity with dictators. That will allow some of them to reach an accommodation with the US, and others to carry on without interference. Trump will prefer making deals to defending principles. Unfortunately, that will be popular with his core constituency.
但从近期看，美国将受制于内斗，成为斗争目标的少数群体将蒙受损失。美国将无法在世界其他地区保护和推行民主。相反，特朗普将更多地於独裁者改善关系。这将让其中一些独裁者与美国和解，而另一些将不受干扰地推行独裁。特朗普更喜欢做交易，而不是捍卫原则。不幸的是，这在他的基本盘中将大受欢迎。
他认识到他的政权的弱点：它可以开采自然资源，但无法形成经济增长。他感受到格鲁吉亚、乌克兰和其他国家的「颜色革命」的威胁。一开始，他试图控制社交媒体。接着，他漂亮地利用社交媒体公司的业务模式传播假信息和假新闻，误导选民、动摇民主。就这样，他帮助特朗普胜选。
The same is likely to happen in the European election season in 2017 in the Netherlands, Germany, and Italy. In France, the two leading contenders are close to Putin and eager to appease him. If either wins, Putin’s dominance of Europe will become a fait accompli.
2017年荷兰、德国和义大利的欧洲选举季也有可能发生同样的情况。在法国，两位领先的竞争者与普京关系密切，意欲对普京采取绥靖政策。无论谁胜出，普京主导欧洲都将成为既成事实。
I hope that Europe’s leaders and citizens alike will realize that this endangers their way of life and the values on which the EU was founded. The trouble is that the method Putin has used to destabilize democracy cannot be used to restore respect for facts and a balanced view of reality
我希望欧洲领导人和公民认识到这将威胁到他们的生活方式和作为欧盟立盟基础的价值观。麻烦在于普京用来动摇民主的方法不可用于重建对现实的尊重和平衡的现实观。
With economic growth lagging and the refugee crisis out of control, the EU is on the verge of breakdown and is set to undergo an experience similar to that of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. Those who believe that the EU needs to be saved in order to be reinvented must do whatever they can to bring about a better outcome.
由于经济增长停止、难民危机失控，欧盟现在已经处於解体边缘。欧盟即将经历类似於20世纪90年代初苏联的体验。认为欧盟必须拯救才能从根本上再造欧盟的人必须竭尽全力带来更好的结果。
1947年，我逃离了共产党统治的匈牙利，来到英国。作为一名伦敦经济学院学生，我受到哲学家卡尔·波普尔（Karl Popper）的影响，并以可错性和反身性为基础发展出我自己的哲学。我区分两种政治制度：一种是人民选举领袖，领袖应该保护选民的利益；另一种是统治者操纵臣民以满足统治者的利益。在波普尔的影响下，我把第一种社会称为开放社会，第二种称为封闭社会。
The classification is too simplistic. There are many degrees and variations throughout history, from well-functioning models to failed states, and many different levels of government in any particular situation. Even so, I find the distinction between the two regime types useful. I became an active promoter of the former and opponent of the latter.
这一分类过於简单。纵观历史，各种不同的程度和变体随处可见，既有运转良好的模式，也有失败国家，还有各种处於不同状态的不同水平的政府。尽管如此，我仍然觉得区分这两种体制类型非常有用。我成为第一种制度的积极推动者和第二种制度的反对者。
I find the current moment in history very painful. Open societies are in crisis, and various forms of closed societies – from fascist dictatorships to mafia states – are on the rise. How could this happen? The only explanation I can find is that elected leaders failed to meet voters’ legitimate expectations and aspirations and that this failure led electorates to become disenchanted with the prevailing versions of democracy and capitalism. Quite simply, many people felt that the elites had stolen their democracy.
我认为，当下是一个非常痛苦的历史时刻。开放社会处於危机之中，各种形式的封闭社会——从法西斯独裁到流氓国家——纷纷崛起。这是如何发生的？我能找到的唯一解释是民选领袖没有满足选民的合理期望和愿望，而这就导致选民不再对流行的民主和资本主义抱有幻想。很简单，许多人觉得精英偷走了他们的民主。
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US emerged as the sole remaining superpower, equally committed to the principles of democracy and free markets. The major development since then has been the globalization of financial markets, spearheaded by advocates who argued that globalization increases total wealth. After all, if the winners compensated the losers, they would still have something left over.
苏联解体后，美国成为仅有的超级大国，同等地致力於民主和自由市场原则。此后的重大发展趋势是金融市场全球化，其先锋宣扬全球化增加了全球财富。毕竟，即使赢家补偿输家，赢家仍然获得不少东西。
The argument was misleading, because it ignored the fact that the winners seldom, if ever, compensate the losers. But the potential winners spent enough money promoting the argument that it prevailed. It was a victory for believers in untrammeled free enterprise, or “market fundamentalists,” as I call them. Because financial capital is an indispensable ingredient of economic development, and few countries in the developing world could generate enough capital on their own, globalization spread like wildfire. Financial capital could move around freely and avoid taxation and regulation.
Globalization has had far-reaching economic and political consequences. It has brought about some economic convergence between poor and rich countries; but it increased inequality within both poor and rich countries. In the developed world, the benefits accrued mainly to large owners of financial capital, who constitute less than 1% of the population. The lack of redistributive policies is the main source of the dissatisfaction that democracy’s opponents have exploited. But there were other contributing factors as well, particularly in Europe.
全球化产生了深远的经济和政治后果。它给穷国和富国带来了一定程度的趋同，这是利；但它也加剧了穷国和富国内部的不平等，这是弊。在发达国家，利主要归于仅占不到1%的人口的大金融资本所有者。缺少再分配政策是民众不满的主要来源，而这种不满被民主的反对者所利用。但还有其他因素，特別是在欧洲。
I was an avid supporter of the European Union from its inception. I regarded it as the embodiment of the idea of an open society: an association of democratic states willing to sacrifice part of their sovereignty for the common good. It started out at as a bold experiment in what Popper called “piecemeal social engineering.” The leaders set an attainable objective and a fixed timeline and mobilized the political will needed to meet it, knowing full well that each step would necessitate a further step forward. That is how the European Coal and Steel Community developed into the EU.
自欧盟成立以来，我就是其铁杆支持者。我认为它是开放社会思想的具体化：一个由愿意为了共同利益牺牲部分主权的民主国家组成的联盟。一开始，它是一项大胆的实验，用波普尔的话说，这是「渐进式社会工程」。欧盟领导人制定了一个可实现的目标和一个确定的时间点，并动员实现目标所需要的政治意愿，他们十分清楚，每一步都是后续步骤的必要条件。就这样，欧洲钢煤共同体发展成欧盟。
But then something went woefully wrong. After the Crash of 2008, a voluntary association of equals was transformed into a relationship between creditors and debtors, where the debtors had difficulties in meeting their obligations and the creditors set the conditions the debtors had to obey. That relationship has been neither voluntary nor equal.
然后，有些东西发生了严重问题。2008年大崩盘后，平等国家的自愿联盟演变为一种债权人-债务人关系，债务国难以履行义务，而债权国给债务国制定了必须遵守的条件。这一关系既非自愿，也不平等。
Germany emerged as the hegemonic power in Europe, but it failed to live up to the obligations that successful hegemons must fulfill, namely looking beyond their narrow self-interest to the interests of the people who depend on them. Compare the behavior of the US after WWII with Germany’s behavior after the Crash of 2008: the US launched the Marshall Plan, which led to the development of the EU; Germany imposed an austerity program that served its narrow self-interest.
Before its reunification, Germany was the main force driving European integration: it was always willing to contribute a little bit extra to accommodate those putting up resistance. Remember Germany’s contribution to meeting Margaret Thatcher’s demands regarding the EU budget?
重新统一前，德国是推动欧洲一体化的主要力量：它永远愿意多拿出一些东西来说服抵制力量。还记得德国为了满足撒切尔夫人关于欧盟预算的要求而做出的牺牲吗？
But reuniting Germany on a 1:1 basis turned out to be very expensive. When Lehman Brothers collapsed, Germany did not feel rich enough to take on any additional obligations. When European finance ministers declared that no other systemically important financial institution would be allowed to fail, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, correctly reading the wishes of her electorate, declared that each member state should look after its own institutions. That was the start of a process of disintegration.
但在1：1的基础上统一德国代价高昂。雷曼兄弟（Lehman Brothers）倒闭时，德国认为自己没有富裕到能承担更多义务。当欧洲财政部长们宣布决不能允许其他具系统重要性的金融机构再倒闭时，德国首相默克尔正确地领会了选民的意思，宣布各成员国应该照顾好各自的机构。这就是分裂过程的开端。
After the Crash of 2008, the EU and the eurozone became increasingly dysfunctional. Prevailing conditions became far removed from those prescribed by the Maastricht Treaty, but treaty change became progressively more difficult, and eventually impossible, because it couldn’t be ratified. The eurozone became the victim of antiquated laws; much-needed reforms could be enacted only by finding loopholes in them. That is how institutions became increasingly complicated, and electorates became alienated.
2008年大崩盘后，欧盟和欧元区越来越难以保证正常运转。现实情况与马斯特里赫特条约所规定的情况渐行渐远，但条约修订的可能性越来越小，最终完全消失，因为不可能得到批准。欧元区成为过时的法律的牺牲品。急需的改革只有通过寻找条约漏洞才能实施。局面因此变得越来越复杂，选民也开始离心离德。
The rise of anti-EU movements further impeded the functioning of institutions. And these forces of disintegration received a powerful boost in 2016, first from Brexit, then from the election of Trump in the US, and on December 4 from Italian voters’ rejection, by a wide margin, of constitutional reforms.
反欧盟运动的崛起进一步影响到欧洲机构的运转。2016年，分裂取得重大利好，首先是英国退欧，然后是特朗普当选美国总统，以及12月4日义大利选民以明显优势拒绝宪政改革。
Democracy is now in crisis. Even the US, the world’s leading democracy, elected a con artist and would-be dictator as its president. Although Trump has toned down his rhetoric since he was elected, he has changed neither his behavior nor his advisers. His cabinet comprises incompetent extremists and retired generals.
现在，民主处於危机之中。甚至世界民主领袖美国也选择了一位行为艺术家和潜在独裁者来当总统。尽管特朗普在当选后口风有所软化，但其行为和顾问团都没有发生变化。他的内阁成员都是些不胜任的极端分子和退休将军。
What lies ahead?
I am confident that democracy will prove resilient in the US. Its Constitution and institutions, including the fourth estate, are strong enough to resist the excesses of the executive branch, thus preventing a would-be dictator from becoming an actual one.
未来会如何？
我有信心美国的民主将表现出恢复力。美国宪法和制度——包括第四等级（媒体）——足以阻止行政权越界，从而防止潜在的独裁成为现实。未来会如何？
But the US will be preoccupied with internal struggles in the near future, and targeted minorities will suffer. The US will be unable to protect and promote democracy in the rest of the world. On the contrary, Trump will have greater affinity with dictators. That will allow some of them to reach an accommodation with the US, and others to carry on without interference. Trump will prefer making deals to defending principles. Unfortunately, that will be popular with his core constituency.
但从近期看，美国将受制于内斗，成为斗争目标的少数群体将蒙受损失。美国将无法在世界其他地区保护和推行民主。相反，特朗普将更多地於独裁者改善关系。这将让其中一些独裁者与美国和解，而另一些将不受干扰地推行独裁。特朗普更喜欢做交易，而不是捍卫原则。不幸的是，这在他的基本盘中将大受欢迎。
I am particularly worried about the fate of the EU, which is in danger of coming under the influence of Russian President Vladimir Putin, whose concept of government is irreconcilable with that of open society. Putin is not a passive beneficiary of recent developments; he worked hard to bring them about. He recognized his regime’s weakness: it can exploit natural resources but cannot generate economic growth. He felt threatened by “color revolutions” in Georgia, Ukraine, and elsewhere. At first, he tried to control social media. Then, in a brilliant move, he exploited social media companies’ business model to spread misinformation and fake news, disorienting electorates and destabilizing democracies. That is how he helped Trump get elected.
我特別担心欧盟的命运，在俄罗斯总统给普京的影响下，欧盟岌岌可危。普京的政府概念与开放社会格格不入。普京不是最新发展趋势的消极受益者；他竭尽全力推动着趋势的发展。 他认识到他的政权的弱点：它可以开采自然资源，但无法形成经济增长。他感受到格鲁吉亚、乌克兰和其他国家的「颜色革命」的威胁。一开始，他试图控制社交媒体。接着，他漂亮地利用社交媒体公司的业务模式传播假信息和假新闻，误导选民、动摇民主。就这样，他帮助特朗普胜选。
The same is likely to happen in the European election season in 2017 in the Netherlands, Germany, and Italy. In France, the two leading contenders are close to Putin and eager to appease him. If either wins, Putin’s dominance of Europe will become a fait accompli.
2017年荷兰、德国和义大利的欧洲选举季也有可能发生同样的情况。在法国，两位领先的竞争者与普京关系密切，意欲对普京采取绥靖政策。无论谁胜出，普京主导欧洲都将成为既成事实。
I hope that Europe’s leaders and citizens alike will realize that this endangers their way of life and the values on which the EU was founded. The trouble is that the method Putin has used to destabilize democracy cannot be used to restore respect for facts and a balanced view of reality
我希望欧洲领导人和公民认识到这将威胁到他们的生活方式和作为欧盟立盟基础的价值观。麻烦在于普京用来动摇民主的方法不可用于重建对现实的尊重和平衡的现实观。
With economic growth lagging and the refugee crisis out of control, the EU is on the verge of breakdown and is set to undergo an experience similar to that of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. Those who believe that the EU needs to be saved in order to be reinvented must do whatever they can to bring about a better outcome.
由于经济增长停止、难民危机失控，欧盟现在已经处於解体边缘。欧盟即将经历类似於20世纪90年代初苏联的体验。认为欧盟必须拯救才能从根本上再造欧盟的人必须竭尽全力带来更好的结果。
